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Catching up from Early Nutritional Deficits?

We examine the nutritional status of a cohort of poor Ethiopian children and their patterns of catch-up growth in height-for-age between three key development stages: age 1, age 5 and age 8 years. We use ordinary least squares (within community) and instrumental variables analysis. During the earliest period, we find that nutritional catch-up patterns vary substantially across socioeconomic groups: average catch-up growth in height-for-age is almost perfect among children in relatively better-off households, while among the poorer children, relative height is more persistent.

Catching up from Early Nutritional Deficits?

We examine the nutritional status of a cohort of poor Ethiopian children and their patterns of catch-up growth in height-for-age between three key development stages: age 1, age 5 and age 8 years. We use ordinary least squares (within community) and instrumental variables analysis. During the earliest period, we find that nutritional catch-up patterns vary substantially across socioeconomic groups: average catch-up growth in height-for-age is almost perfect among children in relatively better-off households, while among the poorer children, relative height is more persistent.

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What a teacher ‘does’ is more important than what they ‘know'
What a teacher ‘does’ is more important than what they ‘know'

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Impact of Parental Death in Middle Childhood and Adolescence on Child Outcomes

This paper investigates whether the death of a parent during middle childhood (ages 7-8 to 11-12) has different effects on a child's schooling and psychosocial outcomes compared to death during adolescence (ages 11-12 to 14-15) in Ethiopia. The data comes from three rounds of the Young Lives longitudinal survey, conducted in 2002, 2006 and 2009, of a sample of around 850 children across 20 sentinel sites in Ethiopia. The results show that when a child's mother dies in middle childhood it has a significantly negative impact on school enrolment.

Impact of Parental Death in Middle Childhood and Adolescence on Child Outcomes

This paper investigates whether the death of a parent during middle childhood (ages 7-8 to 11-12) has different effects on a child's schooling and psychosocial outcomes compared to death during adolescence (ages 11-12 to 14-15) in Ethiopia. The data comes from three rounds of the Young Lives longitudinal survey, conducted in 2002, 2006 and 2009, of a sample of around 850 children across 20 sentinel sites in Ethiopia. The results show that when a child's mother dies in middle childhood it has a significantly negative impact on school enrolment.

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PDAs in Socio-Economic Surveys: Instrumental Bias, Surveyor Bias or Both?

It is very likely that electronic means of data collection will become a standard for socioeconomic surveys in the near future. As surveys move from paper form to personal digital assistants (PDAs) or tablets there is a need to evaluate if such a shift will affect the quality of the data. To explore the potential biases that data collection through PDAs may generate, we use the third wave of Young Lives-Peru to randomly assign survey respondents between PDA-based questionnaires and paper-based questionnaires.

PDAs in Socio-Economic Surveys: Instrumental Bias, Surveyor Bias or Both?

It is very likely that electronic means of data collection will become a standard for socioeconomic surveys in the near future. As surveys move from paper form to personal digital assistants (PDAs) or tablets there is a need to evaluate if such a shift will affect the quality of the data. To explore the potential biases that data collection through PDAs may generate, we use the third wave of Young Lives-Peru to randomly assign survey respondents between PDA-based questionnaires and paper-based questionnaires.

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What Inequality Means for Children
What Inequality Means for Children
Peru breakfast briefing on Juntos conditional cash transfer programme
Peru breakfast briefing on Juntos conditional cash transfer programme

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What Inequality Means for Children

Our starting point for this paper is that child poverty and inequality are the expression of the political, economic and cultural forces that structure societies – and children’s lives – in terms of the distribution of resources and opportunities in ways that align, to a greater or lesser degree, with ethnicity or caste, religion, gender, urban/rural location, age and generation, etc. We understand inequality as covering a broad spectrum of differences in children’s household circumstances and in their outcomes and opportunities, linked to ethnicity, gender, urban/rural location, etc.

What Inequality Means for Children

Our starting point for this paper is that child poverty and inequality are the expression of the political, economic and cultural forces that structure societies – and children’s lives – in terms of the distribution of resources and opportunities in ways that align, to a greater or lesser degree, with ethnicity or caste, religion, gender, urban/rural location, age and generation, etc. We understand inequality as covering a broad spectrum of differences in children’s household circumstances and in their outcomes and opportunities, linked to ethnicity, gender, urban/rural location, etc.

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Early Education for All: Is there a Role for the Private Sector

It is now widely accepted that early childhood care and education services have an important part to play in ensuring all children get a good start in life. They have the potential to improve young children's health, education and well-being, and yield high rates of return on investment in the formative years of life, offering policymakers a point of intervention that can break the cycle of intergenerational poverty.

Early Education for All: Is there a Role for the Private Sector

It is now widely accepted that early childhood care and education services have an important part to play in ensuring all children get a good start in life. They have the potential to improve young children's health, education and well-being, and yield high rates of return on investment in the formative years of life, offering policymakers a point of intervention that can break the cycle of intergenerational poverty.

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New book: Handbook of early child development research
New book: Handbook of early child development research

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Does Growth in Private Schooling Contribute to Education for All?

This paper informs debates about the potential role for low-fee private schooling in achieving Education for All goals in India. It reports Young Lives' longitudinal data for two cohorts (2,906 children) in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Eight year olds uptake of private schooling increased from 24 per cent (children born in 1994-5) to 44 per cent (children born in 2001-2). Children from rural areas, lower socioeconomic backgrounds and girls continue to be under represented. While some access gaps decreased, the gender gap seems to be widening.

Does Growth in Private Schooling Contribute to Education for All?

This paper informs debates about the potential role for low-fee private schooling in achieving Education for All goals in India. It reports Young Lives' longitudinal data for two cohorts (2,906 children) in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Eight year olds uptake of private schooling increased from 24 per cent (children born in 1994-5) to 44 per cent (children born in 2001-2). Children from rural areas, lower socioeconomic backgrounds and girls continue to be under represented. While some access gaps decreased, the gender gap seems to be widening.

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